For the week of September 12, 2003
By Michael Miner
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A First Amendment Showdown
A cross-examination in Ireland has led to a pronouncement in Chicago that
denies a right American journalists hold dear. To the horror of First
Amendment champions, federal appellate judge Richard Posner stepped in when
he didn't have to and gave his dismissive view of reporter's privilege the
force of law.
In the dock last June 26 in Dublin's Special Criminal Court was accused
terrorist Mickey McKevitt, leader of the Real IRA, a Provisional IRA
splinter group that opposes the peace process in Northern Ireland. The star
witness against him was David Rupert, an Indiana trucker and Real IRA
benefactor who turned out to be an informant for the FBI and British
security.
"We have been made aware, and only very recently in the last week,"
McKevitt's attorney said to Rupert, "that you have entered into a contract
with one or two journalists in which they will ghost a book for you. Is
that correct?"
Rupert described the deal. Under the contract they'd all signed, the
journalists would produce a book proposal shortly after McKevitt's trial
ended, submit it to the FBI for vetting, and then offer it to a publisher.
He didn't name them just then, but Rupert was working with Abdon Pallasch
and Robert Herguth, of the Chicago Sun-Times. Herguth had replaced
the book project's original reporter, the Chicago Tribune's Flynn
McRoberts.
"Did they take recordings and notes?" asked McKevitt's attorney.
"Yes, they did," said Rupert.
"I take it you would have no objection to us having a view of those
matters which you related to your journalist friends," said the
attorney.
"Absolutely not," Rupert answered.
"And so that can be communicated to any American court which is hearing
the application at this time?"
"Yes it can," said Rupert.
In fact McKevitt's attorneys were already in federal court in Chicago
trying to get their hands on the tapes.
Reporters assert that the right to keep confidential the tapes, notes,
photos, and everything else they acquire in their news gathering -- not to
mention their sources -- is necessary to protect the flow of information to
the public. This right is commonly known as reporter's privilege, and many
states have written it into law. Decades ago former governor Richard
Ogilvie hailed the Illinois model. It "assures a better informed public,"
he said, "for it allows reporters to seek the truth wherever it is to be
found, without the fear that their sources will be cut off by unnecessary
disclosure."
But the Illinois law didn't create an absolute privilege. And now Posner
has asserted that federal law offers no privilege at all. Nothing has
protected reporters in federal courts but a stack of dubious appellate
court opinions based precariously on a 1972 Supreme Court decision that the
journalists involved actually lost.
When McKevitt's attorneys subpoenaed the Rupert tapes, they were on a
fishing expedition, pure and simple. They had no idea what the tapes might
contain but argued that time was short and they had a right to find out.
They persuaded federal judge Ronald Guzman, who weighed the reporters'
rights against McKevitt's and on July 2 ordered the reporters to surrender
the tapes the next morning.
Instead, the reporters' attorneys filed a motion for a stay of Guzman's
order. An hour and a half later -- no time at all -- an unnamed three-judge
panel of the Seventh Circuit Appellate Court rejected the motion.
"We were all set to go to jail," says Pallasch. "That's just what you
do."
But the attorneys talked them out of becoming martyrs to reporter's
privilege. Pallasch explains, "Our lawyers say, turn over the tapes or the
Seventh Circuit will issue a full-fledged opinion that will be used to
hammer other journalists in our situation." To avoid a fate worse than
jail, the reporters returned to the almost deserted federal building the
next morning, July 4, and turned over the tapes to the FBI.
In hindsight, asking for the stay might have been a big mistake. Better
perhaps to have obeyed Guzman's order and kept the matter out of the
Seventh Circuit -- a court historically unfriendly to the press in
constitutional cases. Better perhaps to have defied the order and let the
reporters rot in jail while the order was formally appealed -- a process
that would have guaranteed that the Seventh Circuit would weigh in but also
that the constitutional issues would be fully argued.
Getting the tapes did McKevitt no good -- he was convicted and sentenced
to 20 years in prison. And giving up the tapes failed to head off the
Seventh Circuit. One of the judges on the anonymous three-judge panel
turned out to be Posner, a philosopher king of a jurist. Rather than let
the denial of a stay speak for itself, on August 8 he produced a full-blown
opinion explaining it. That opinion eviscerates reporter's privilege. It
has the force of law in the Seventh Circuit and lectures the other circuits
on what the law should be. No wonder that when the reporters' attorneys
petitioned the entire Seventh Circuit to reconsider Posner's opinion, many
of the most important news organizations in America lined up alongside
them.
"There is no conceivable interest in confidentiality in the present
case," Posner declared. Absolutely wrong, replies the amicus brief
submitted last week by the New York Times, the Washington
Post, the Chicago Tribune, Time, Newsweek, NBC,
CBS, ABC, NPR, Gannett, Hearst, and several other institutions.
"Not only is the source (Rupert) known," Posner went on, "but he has
indicated that he does not object to the disclosure of the tapes of his
interviews to McKevitt." Clearly impressed by this point, Posner made it
twice, the second time more dramatically: "When the information in the
reporter's possession does not come from a confidential source, it is
difficult to see what possible bearing the First Amendment could have on
the question of compelled disclosure. . . . Rupert wants the information
disclosed; it is the reporters, paradoxically, who want it secreted."
Posner thought he knew why. "The reason they want it secreted is that
the biography of him that they are planning to write will be less
marketable the more information in it that has already been made public."
The dispute, as he saw it, was over competing claims to intellectual
property, and the First Amendment had nothing to do with it.
"Legal protection for the gathering of facts," Posner reasoned, "is
available only when unauthorized copying of the facts gathered is likely to
deter the plaintiff, or others similarly situated, from gathering and
disseminating those facts." In the case at hand, no one pretended that the
biography of Rupert would have to be abandoned if the taped interviews with
him became public.
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